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March 17, 2009 

2009 International Trade Outlook Webinar to be Presented on March 19, 2009

On Thursday, March 19, 2009, Sandler, Travis & Rosenberg is presenting a 2009 Trade Outlook webinar. The webinar, which will take place from 1 - 2 p.m. EDT, will address the various changes that may be in store for U.S. trade policy in the coming year, including:

  • Trade Priorities of the Obama Administration and the 111th Congress
  • Changes in Congressional committees and in the Executive Branch
  • The 2009 Trade Agenda, including pending and new Free Trade Agreements
  • Trade preference program reform, including GSP and other programs
  • Food and consumer product safety update
  • Trade enforcement overview
Members of ST&R's Government Relations Team will provide insight that will help prepare your company for the transition to the new Administration and Congress.

Click here for more information and to register for the webinar.

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July 13, 2008 

NFTC Releases Draft "Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2009"

The National Foreign Trade Council (NFTC) recently released a draft version of the “Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2009,” intended to initiate debate over the appropriate objectives for negotiating trade agreements and an efficient “fast track” process for congressional consideration of implementing legislation. The NFTC’s draft bill, builds on existing Trade Promotion Authority (which expired on June 30, 2007) and includes new provisions that update negotiating objectives and reform the Congressional-Executive consultation process.

“Trade negotiating authority is vital to the future of U.S. trade policy, no matter the outcome of the election in November,” said NFTC President Bill Reinsch, who unveiled the draft bill during a press roundtable at the NFTC this afternoon. “Regardless of whether we have a President Obama or a President McCain, the new Congress and the new Administration will have to have a trade policy and will have to grapple with what to do about the process for negotiating trade agreements. We are releasing our draft bill today to catalyze that deliberative process.”

The draft “Trade Negotiating Authority Act of 2009 includes significant reforms with respect to procedure and negotiating objectives, such as creating the Joint Committee on Trade (JCOT) in lieu of a Congressional Oversight Group. In addition, the NFTC draft bill includes transition rules, which clarify that agreements concluded and not acted upon by Congress retain their existing “fast track” status.

A complete summary of the proposed bill can be found here here.

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November 07, 2007 

Washington Think Tank Issues Trade Report Entitled "Why Lou Dobbs is Winning"

Coinciding with the U.S. House of Representatives debate on the U.S.-Peru Free Trade Agreement, The Third Way, a Washington, DC-based non-partisan think tank, today released a report entitled "Why Lou Dobbs is Winning". In the paper, the Third Way analyzes the origins of the growing anti-trade sentiment in the United States, examines the growth of neopopulism and protectionism in progressive politics and it lays out three main reasons why advocates of free trade are failing:

• A failure of vision. Free trade has succeeded when it has been linked to compelling causes, such as winning the Cold War. Today, the overall goal of U.S. engagement in the world is far less clear.

• Values trump data. Opponents of free trade appeal to values like “fairness” and “justice,” while proponents rely on data and opaque economic theory.

• An anxious middle-class. Trade proponents have not offered policies that help restore confidence to a middle-class that has been profoundly shaken by the negative impacts of globalization.

The report urges fee trade advocates to change both what they argue and how they argue on trade to communicate more effectively with the American public on the benefits of trade.

The PDF version of the report can be found here.

This evening the House began debate on H.R. 3668, the United States-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement Implementation Act. The House is expected to vote on the measure tomorrow. While U.S. trade with Peru is very small, this vote is being closely watched since it is the first free trade agreement to be considered since the Democrats gained a majority in the House of Representatives.

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August 03, 2007 

Trade Enforcement Act of 2007 Introduced in Congress

Earlier this week Senators Max Baucus (D-MT) and Orrin Hatch (R-UT) introduced the Trade Enforcement Act of 2007, legislation intended to "significantly bolster the U.S. government’s trade enforcement abilities." While the full text of the legislation has not been released, the press release issued by the Senate Finance Committee states that Baucus-Hatch proposal would make the following changes to U.S. trade laws:

  • Amends section 701(a)(1) of the Tariff Act of 1930 to clarify that the Commerce Department has the authority to apply countervailing duties to nonmarket economies like China.
  • Limits President's authority in China safeguard investigations by providing that the President may decline to provide relief only in extraordinary cases and only if the President determines that the relief would seriously harm U.S. national security or would have an adverse impact on the U.S. economy.
  • Overrides the Federal Circuit’s Bratsk Aluminum decision by providing that the ITC must make its material injury determination in antidumping and countervailing duty cases without regard to whether other imports will likely replace imports from the country under investigation.
  • Requires the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to provide an annual report to
    Congress identifying the most significant market access barriers to U.S. companies abroad
    and to take enforcement action to resolve them.
  • Creates a Senate-confirmed Chief Enforcement Officer to investigate and prosecute trade enforcement cases. It also establishes an interagency Trade Enforcement Working Group to advise USTR and authorizes $5 million for USTR’s enforcement responsibilities.
  • Sets up a WTO Dispute Resolution Settlement Commission of retired judges and international trade law experts to review WTO dispute settlement reports to determine whether they added to the United States’ obligations under the WTO or deviated from the standard of review.

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June 13, 2007 

Senate Holds Hearing on Trade Enforcement in the 21st Century

By Matthew Apfel*

On June 12, 2007, the U.S. Senate Finance Committee held a hearing on “Trade Enforcement for a 21st Century Economy.” Specifically, the hearing focused on two issues: First, to what extent the Bush Administration is adequately enforcing U.S. trade agreements and second, the adequacy of enforcement of U.S. antidumping, safeguard and other trade remedy laws.

Panelists at the hearing included: Dan Glickman, current Chairman and CEO of the Motion Picture Association of America (former member of Congress and Secretary of Agriculture); Jennifer Hillman, Distinguished Fellow at Georgetown Law School's Institute of International Economic Law (former ITC Commissioner and USTR General Counsel); Robert Lighthizer, International Trade Partner, Skadden, Arps, Meagher & Flom (former Deputy USTR and chief of staff of the Senate Finance Committee); and Erik Autor, Vice President and International Trade Counsel of the National Retail Federation (formerly international trade counsel to the Senate Finance Committee).

The opening remarks of Chairman Senator Max Baucus (D-MT) made clear that, in his opinion, the Administration “can and must do more to enforce US trade agreements.” Baucus alleged that the Administration “spends far more time negotiating new deals than enforcing those already in place”. In support of this assertion he alleged that the Administration has only brought a third as many WTO cases in its first six years as the previous administration did in a similar six year time span.

Senator Baucus also called on the Administration to do more to enforce existing U.S. antidumping, safeguard and other domestic trade remedy laws. For example, Baucus pointed to President's denial of relief in section 421 China safeguard cases as the Presidents alleged “failure to abide by Congressional intent.”

Senator Grassley (R-IA), the ranking member on the Finance Committee took a more restrained approach in his opening statement. The Senator noted that in his own view, “the US has strong trade remedy laws on the books and he believes the Commerce Department and the International Trade Commission take seriously their obligation to enforce those laws.” Additionally, Grassley noted that U.S. trade laws reflect an important balance in that when domestic industries are given protection from overseas competition, consumers see higher prices as a result.

China quickly arose as a symbol of the harmful effects of an unmodified U.S. trade policy. In his testimony, Robert Lighthizer called on the U.S. Government to “get serious about China.” Specifically, he suggested that U.S. trade officials must “not allow foreign competitors (such as China) to use rules of the game that are stacked against our producers and workers."

By contrast, in his
testimony Erik Autor voiced the National Retail Federation’s concerns that it would be disastrous for consumers if Congress creates “a trade remedies system that, under the guise of a quasi-judicial proceeding, becomes essentially an arbitrary, results-driven, and politically-influenced means to provide a few favored industries automatic relief from import competition.” Autor argued that, “such a system merely becomes an instrument of protectionism that undermines US competitiveness, hurts millions of American consumers, and is incompatible with where our country needs to be in the 21st century.”

Appearing In the middle of the ideological debate, both Glickman and Hillman argued that although U.S. trade remedy laws are adequate, for the most part, to “level the playing field,” their effectiveness is being undermined by the lack of vigor by which the Administration is utilizing these tools. For example, Glickman stated that although the USTR has been extremely helpful in working to promote fair trade; it needs more resources in order to enforce existing free trade agreements. In lieu of, “statutory changes", Glickman noted, "the USTR needs increased resources to have the clout they need to enforce American free trade agreements [specifically intellectual property rights under US FTAs].”

Similarly, in her testimony Hillman stated that “we have seen a significant decline in the number of trade cases initiated by the United States . . ." and that a "sound trade enforcement regime for the 21st century must make adjustments for the changes that have occurred to our trading system in the last decade while at the same time ensuring that we fully utilize the tools that we already have available to us.”

This hearing demonstrated that, In an increasingly protectionist America, China has become the scapegoat for the underlying failures of Congress and the current and previous administrations to adequately address the underlying causes of a dissatisfied constituency (some examples include: wage disparity, low paying employment domestically, diminishing pension benefits and the steady increase in the number of uninsured Americans).

Arguably, a middle ground must be reached. Should protectionism morph from draft legislation to increased trade barriers then the balance Senator Grassley called for will have been lost. In addition, such increased trade barriers will lead to an increased cost for millions of Americans with little benefit to U.S. manufacturing employment.

*Matthew Apfel is a third year law student at George Washington University. He can be reached at msapfel@law.gwu.edu.

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June 11, 2007 

Strategic Economic Dialogue Reveals Significant Rift Between U.S. and China

By Matthew Apfel*

Although there were some positive results achieved during the second round of the Strategic Economic Dialogue (SED) talks between the U.S. and Chinese Governments last month in Washington, DC, it is clear that both sides came away from the discussions frustrated. This frustration does not arise merely from the fact that little or no progress was made to address currency valuation or significant trade-related matters. The frustration seems to arise more from the fact that the Bush Administration has a long-term plan (which is more in sync with the Chinese outlook) that is irreconcilable with the short-term "fixes" that an increasingly protectionist Congress is pursuing. Adding to that complexity is that the Chinese Government can not internalize the reasons why the U.S. government is so divided; Chinese tradition is not based upon democratic politics where the leader is unable to speak with a single powerful voice.

It is in this context that the Bush Administration has called for increased dialogue with China, while at the same time implementing new policies on the importation of Chinese goods. The Administration has increasingly come under Congressional pressure to take harsher action in terms of counteracting Chinese trade subsidies. As a result, the Commerce Department recently announced that it would alter its 23-year old policy of not applying countervailing duties to non-market economies and issued a preliminary affirmative countervailing duty determination on coated free sheet paper from China.


Furthermore, there was no real progress made during the SED on U.S. export controls on dual-use technology. The Chinese argue that U.S. export controls are a mechanism which acts as an "unfair trade barrier" and "blocks China's access to advanced technology and blunts the U.S.
comparative advantage in selling advanced products to China." Before, during and after the second round of SED talks in Washington, the Chinese have labeled export control restrictions as a "major" issue they want resolved through negotiation. Many in the Bush Administration however, do not see that the economic benefits of removing such controls outweighs the military necessity of retaining them. Indeed, Bureau of Industry and Security (BIS) officials have stated that only a very small fraction of U.S. exports to China required an export license and BIS is poised to issue in the near future a regulation amending the Export Administration Regulations to impose export controls on certain categories of dual-use goods intended for the Chinese military.

Despite these actions, it seems questionable whether the Bush Administration is prepared to label China a "currency" manipulator and even more unlikely that the U.S. Trade Representative will accept the recent petition submitted by members of Congress to the U.S. Trade Representative under section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 alleging that China's currency is undervalued and manipulated. Treasury Secretary Paulson and his counterparts seem to take the view that any action by Congress to label the Chinese Government's alleged currency manipulation as a trade subsidy will only aggravate U.S.-China relations and will lead only to negligible short term gains. Indeed, according to a recent article in The Economist, "it is true that a stronger, more flexible Yuan makes sense for China, because it would help shift spending towards imports and would give Beijing's policymakers greater control over interest rates making it easier to prevent the economy from overheating. But the effect
on America would be small."

If Congress nevertheless succeeds in its attempt to pass a Chinese currency-related bill, such as the one currently being drafted in the Senate that would pressure the U.S. Treasury to intervene in global markets to adjust China's currency, China likely will react sharply. In a statement made after the U.S. lodged a complaint against China at the World Trade Organization over intellectual property rights, Vice Premier Wu Yi said China will "fight to the end" and will not tolerate sanctions. Although China has been warning the Bush Administration and Congress to utilize restraint in its "unilateralist protectionism," those warnings may evolve into an outright trade war which would have disastrous effects for both countries in the long run.

*Matthew Apfel is a third year law student at George Washington University. He can be reached at msapfel@law.gwu.edu.

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May 15, 2007 

NFTC Publishes Trade Guide for State Legislators

The National Foreign Trade Council (NFTC) has published The United States and Global Trade: A State Legislator’s Guide to Maximizing Economic Opportunity through Trade”. The guide, which will be distributed to state legislators, contains information on the role states can play in developing U.S. trade policy and how state governments can maximize the benefits of trade for individual state economies.

The NFTC's guide includes a review of a number of current trade-related issues, including trade agreements, investment rules and trade promotion authority. The guide also includes state-by-state information on the importance of exports to state economies.

The PDF version of the guide can be found on the NFTC Web site at: www.nftc.org/default/trade/US%20&%20Global%20Trade%20Report.pdf.

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